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From chips to sunflower seeds and dumplings, Washington's sanctions tear away its own fig-leaf_我的网站

一 |     By Wang Gaofei, Wu Xinru     (ECNS) -- Do sunflower seeds and dumplings pose a "threat" to U.S. national security?    The question may sound absurd, but the latest additions to the so-called Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act (UFLPA) entity list have raised questions about the breadth of the U.S. trade restrictions on Chinese goods. 43 Chinese companies have been added to the list in a single day, bringing the total to 187. From advanced chips to food and everyday apparel, the overreaching "big stick" of U.S. sanctions has finally ripped away its own fig-leaf.    Is this move really driven by "human rights concerns" as the West claimed, or is it merely the result of political calculation by Washington's elites? What lies behind Washington's decision to escalate sanctions just one day after reaching a consensus?    Josef Gregory Mahoney, an American scholar and professor of Politics and International Relations at East China Normal University, was recently invited to join News Lounge of China News Network where he unpacked the real intentions of U.S. sanctions.        Sunflower seeds and dumplings land on the list: The absurdity and futility behind overreaching sanctions     "This move is logically indefensible," Mahoney stated bluntly, "These consumer goods firms have absolutely no connection to the so-called 'forced labor' allegations. Claims are entirely fabricated and lack any factual basis."     He argued that the U.S.' true intention is clear -- using groundless excuses to suppress China's competitive ordinary industries, disrupt the stability of China's industrial and supply chains, and protect the market share of its own traditional industries at the expense of Chinese enterprises' legitimate rights.         When even sunflower seeds and dumplings are labeled as "threats," the veteran scholar of China-U.S. relations emphasized, it exposes the absurdity and desperation behind Washington's containment strategy.     Turning to the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act (UFLPA) itself, he was even more incisive: "In the context of international law, the UFLPA has no legitimate legal foundation. In fact, it violates basic WTO rules and international trade norms."    He also added that the enforcement criteria of UFLPA are fatally flawed, adopting an unfair, rebuttable presumption that treats all related entities as guilty without evidence. When the law arbitrarily expands restrictions without clear, consistent judgment, it reverses the fundamental legal principle of presumption of innocence.     To suppress China, Washington has disregarded legal principles and fallen into logical contradictions, going to extraordinary lengths to achieve its ends.    Mahoney stressed: "It is blatant economic coercion, which could bring far-reaching harm," including erecting unnecessary trade barriers, hindering the flow of bilateral goods, and disrupting global industrial chain arrangements. Washington will hardly be able to bear the bitter fruits of these spillover effects.    Backtracking the very next day: Political calculation trumps economic and trade consensus     Just one day before the sanctions were announced, senior Chinese and U.S. officials in charge of economic and trade affairs had just held a video call, during which both sides stated that they were ready to jointly push for stable and sound China-U.S. economic and trade ties. Yet Washington brandished the big stick of sanctions almost immediately after those remarks. According to Mahoney, the timing is a deliberate and calculated provocation.     "The U.S. uses engagement and escalation as two sides of the same policy. It aims to create unilateral leverage before the follow-up consultations, break the mutual trust just built and force China into unnecessary concessions, completely violating the consensus reached by both parties."    The so-called "human rights concerns" appear to be a plausible pretext by the U.S. Yet in Mahoney's eyes, the sanction escalation stems almost entirely from domestic U.S. political calculation.     As the midterm elections draw near, demonstrating toughness on China remains one of the few tactics to unite Washington's bitterly-divided political establishment. The U.S. Congress has consistently demanded more aggressive UFLPA enforcement, and expanding the entity list helps insulate the White House from criticism by China Hawks.    Mahoney sees through this ploy: "It says nothing more than a convenient political fig leaf."    But just how much of Washington's shame can this fig leaf possibly cover?        Mahoney pointed directly to long-unresolved domestic issues in the United States, including sweatshop labor, prison labor and the abuse of migrant labor. Abroad, Washington has resorted to the aggression against Venezuela, against Iran, and supporting the genocide in Gaza.     Plagued by deep-seated domestic ills and a dismal human rights record, Washington, though, has long posed as a self-appointed "world's policeman," but its actions only serve to expose its deep hypocrisy.    Mahoney warned that, faced with election-driven pressures, continued festering of domestic governance problems in the U.S. could push Washington toward increasingly radical foreign policy stances. This sanction move, which represents a betrayal of previous consensus, has further eroded the already fragile China-U.S. mutual trust and introduced considerable uncertainties for subsequent high-level consultations.      Truth long obscured: Heavy barriers hide the reality     Western public discourse has long been awash with various false narratives targeting China, Xinjiang in particular.    "One of the interesting things we know about the cotton industry in Xinjiang is that there's no 'forced labor,' period. One of the things that is sort of interesting is that anyone can go to Xinjiang. It welcomes all visitors." Mahoney iterated in the interview.    During his recent visit to Xinjiang, Mahoney not only witnessed firsthand the highly-mechanized cotton-harvesting operations, but also toured local factories that produce harvesting equipment.    Inside the production workshops, he saw working teams led by female engineers, and members included Uyghurs who were there as professionals. Everyone performed their respective duties, actively contributing ideas and energy to production with great enthusiasm. Nowhere did he see "forced labor" or "slave labor" decried in Western media narratives.     Only by experiencing it firsthand and verifying through on-the-ground investigation can one get a glimpse of the truth. Mahoney noted that foreign visitors traveling to Urumqi, Karamay, and Kashgar are consistently struck by the region's stability, public order, and the well-being of its people.    Not everyone can afford, unfortunately, to travel to China, as Mahoney introduced, especially many Americans who find their position eroding economically because of the very policies that the current administration is putting into place. "They're kind of trapped in economic decline."    Some anti-China forces have long engaged in blame-shifting, seeking to externalize domestic governance conflicts and divert public discontent through media narratives. Trapped within pre-set information echo chambers, ordinary citizens lack the means to verify the truth by traveling to China. Exposed over time to one-sided, misleading and even false reports, they readily develop deep-seated negative stereotypes about China.    Encouragingly, the current media landscape is quietly shifting.    Mahoney noticed that a level of criticality has sort of entered the discussion now, which is creating an opening for people to take a more balanced look at China.    In recent years, China has rolled out multiple visa-exemption policies, and the popularity of travelling to China continues to surge. In his view, this offers an excellent opportunity for people overseas to break free from false narratives and see a multifaceted, authentic China. At the end of the interview, Mahoney shared his observations on the future development of China-U.S. relations.     In his view, how relations unfold between these two major powers has implications well beyond the two nations but also the global order.     Mahoney explained how Europe, faced with persistently high risks of deindustrialization, is further impacted by the energy crisis amid regional conflicts stoked by the United States, such as the Russia-Ukraine conflict and the Iran-Israel conflict. A large volume of opportunities and investment therefore has flowed outward, forcing Europe to adopt trade-protectionist stances toward China, which brings complications to China's relationship with the EU. Mahoney said that a growing number of countries are seeing these developments. And they realize that if they want to avoid the boot heel of American hegemony, they have to find more constructive alternatives and the ability to advance according to their own agendas. "And these, in fact, are the alternatives that China is offering them."    He held that some significant headwinds would be raised for the short-term development of China-U.S. relations and they would become more complicated.     His position is that the United States is facing a relative decline and is being hollowed out from within by itself while still being engaged in imperial overreach globally. Increasingly, the world is building alternatives to that type of U.S. dominated model.     On the contrary, China is probably the country best-positioned in the world to weather those types of risks and to even moderate them to some extent. He believes the country will work through this.    "China has been a responsible major power that has committed itself to stability over conflict," said Mahoney.    "If the U.S. can wake up to that realization, while at the same time figure out a way to change its behavior and commitment to structural inequalities, then I think we might find the two countries being able to move together in a way that would better result in a shared future for humanity," he concluded.                    。    本来以为随着新国标的公布，关于隐藏式门把手的讨论也会一起结束。结果没想到因为近期的一起事故，这个设计又被拉到了舆论中心。                   关于门把手本身，我觉得现有的解读已经够多了。

二 |                    所以今天我们不妨换个话题，聊一聊隐藏式门把手这个由来已久的玩意，是怎么一步步走到今天的。                   你没看错，隐藏式门把手其实并不是个新鲜事物，它早在几十年前就已经出现。并且放在当时，还真就是个好设计。                   第一个用上隐藏式门把手的，是 1947 年的双门跑车 cisitalia 202。这时的隐藏式门把手不仅没有和机械结构分开，还可以帮超级跑车减小超高时速下的空气阻力，提高极速成绩。

三 |                    这戳到了当时很多超级跑车的痛点，所以在随后的很长时间里，隐藏式门把手开始被诸多超跑车型，比如奔驰 300SL 效仿。                   1947 cisitalia 202                    而在 1997 年，克尔维特 C5 第一次把门把手变成了一个开关，像开关灯一样，通过电信号来控制车门。                   因为取消了拉索机构，这种设计不仅可以让开门的力更小，还能改变门把手的造型，让车子看着更加酷炫。

四 |                    即便用起来不方便，但超级跑车本就是前卫且不常规、不实用的，整些个性一点的门把手，好像也十分合理。                   隐藏式门把手的口碑反转，发生在那个男人决定造车的时候。                   2012 年，马斯克在特斯拉 Model S 上第一次采用了弹出式的门把手设计。对他来说，在电动轿车上选择隐藏式门把手，几乎就是个最优解。                   要知道，电动化架构更快的通信速度、更稳定的频率和电压，天生适合电控的门把手（ 比如通过手机快速解锁 ）；更简单的总成可以提高生产的效率，还可以节约下各种金属部件帮车子减重（ 每个车门 0.5～1.5 公斤）。

五 |                                        当然，在当时一众外凸机械门把手里，这隐藏把手看着是很帅。                   不仅能让车子看着更有超级跑车的味道，也能在降低风阻系数的同时，提升续航表现（ 幅度轻微，但当时极贵的动力电池放大了这一效果 ）。                   所以从 Model S 开始一直到 Cybertruck ，特斯拉用的都是隐藏式门把手。拆开车门，都只能看到少量的通讯线缆，找不到一根负责牵拉开锁的鲍登线（ S、X 为后续升级 ）。                   没错，即使是 Model 3 上这样看似可以手动解锁的设计，本质上也是只由电信号控制的，风味机械门把手了属于是。                                       但问题是，平价电动车可不是不计较成本的超级跑车，隐藏式门把手因为集成度高、结构复杂，在特斯拉的祖传品控之下有了明显的可靠性问题。

六 |                    许多车主特别是初代 Model S 的车主，开始频繁出现把手弹不出、左右弹出不对称甚至是乱弹的问题，得花不少钱维修，甚至还为此闹到了法院。                             可以说从这时候开始，隐藏式门把手在电车上的争议就初见端倪了。                   好巧不巧的是，作为电动汽车的推广者，特斯拉愣是凭借百万级别的年销量把这样的门把手设计卖到了全球各地。                   这一方面让全世界的车企们意识到 “ 卧槽，原来用了隐藏式门把手的电车可以卖得这么好 ！”                    另一方面，许多供应商也开始琢磨，是不是多整点类似的方案，就会有更多车企来下单。                   所以在 2012～2017 年那阵，不只是车企们开始尝试隐藏式门把手的设计（ 捷豹、路虎等 ）， MAGNA、HUF 和 Brose 这样的供应商也都快速推出了很多隐藏式门把手的方案，来吸引更多车企掏钱。

七 |                                                            到了 2018 年国内新能源汽车大爆发，供应商们的隐藏式门把手方案已经进化到了第二代甚至第三代，不仅更酷炫、更可靠，最重要的是还更便宜。                   因此包括蔚来、小鹏在内的新势力，以及凯迪拉克、丰田这样的老势力，也都在那时用上了隐藏式门把手。                   而用的车企越多，也会催生出更多的供应商推出更多的方案。                   在这样不断循环下，如今即使是最入门的新能源车型都可以做到门把手与车身平齐，隐藏式门把手也完成了自己的裂变传播。                   你可能觉得，这个过程看起来非常正常，有需求就有方案嘛。                   但这，恰恰是我觉得最有问题的部分。                   从始至终，关于隐藏式门把手要不要用、该怎么用，全都是由车企和供应商决定的。

八 | 可真正开车用车的，是掏钱买车的用户啊。

九 |                    用户的意见，你们考虑了吗我请问？                    不仅如此，在这个只盯着形式学的过程里，许多关乎安全的底层设计其实是被车企和供应商们有意无意忽略掉的。                   就比如，在说到车门打不开的事故时，很多人都会怪罪隐藏式门把手的造型。但其实更大的问题，是车企们压根就没有针对低压供电系统做针对性的防护。                   要知道，如今市面上的几乎所有隐藏式外门把手，无论有没有机械的拉锁结构，想要稳定、安全地工作，背后都极其依赖 12V 供电，也就是低压供电的正常运作。                                       就比如现在最常见的，蔚来、问界、极氪等主流品牌都在采用的弹出式隐藏式门把手。

十 |                    它的工作原理是在车辆收到开门信号之后，域控制器会给车门控制器先后发送解锁和弹出门把手的信号，随后车门控制器则会接着通知门把手电机转动，通过一套微型齿轮或杠杆机构把隐藏式的门把手推出来。                   只要低压供电系统在其中的任何一个环节宕机，门把手都没法正常弹出。                   而像是小米、特斯拉、凯迪拉克使用的无需弹出的电子门把手，虽然不需要电力驱动就能给人一个手抠的区域，但想要正常开锁开门，依旧需要域控制器先给车门控制器发送解锁信号、门把手的微动开关再给开锁机构发送指令才能把车门打开。                   没有低压供电的支持，这些车门把手就跟一个坏掉的开关没啥两样。                             很明显，低压供电系统就是隐藏式门把手的生命线。

十一 |                    可如今绝大部分车型的低压电源也就是我们常说的小电瓶，因为油车时代的设计惯性，都是放置在前舱防火墙之前、后备箱座椅之后这样的碰撞溃缩区域，并没有像动力电池那样用复杂的结构保护起来。                   这也就导致了即使微动开关和线控信号系统已经非常成熟，很多事故中因为低压电瓶损坏，应该弹出来的门把手还是弹不出来。                   甚至在没有发生碰撞的日常使用里，低压电瓶的失效都会导致车门打不开这种很逆天的问题。                   比如上个月美国的国家高速公路交通安全局 NHTSA 就对特斯拉发起了一项调查，原因是有部分 2021 款 Model Y 的车主表示因为低压电瓶有 bug ，自己的孩子被锁在车上没法下来。                             当然，曾经包括现在也有一小撮的厂家，尝试过用其他的方案来提高隐藏式和电控门把手的安全系数。                   比如大众、奥迪这样的德系厂家，还有小米 YU7 、问界 M8 等车型就会采用一个名叫两段式开启的门把手方案。                   人们轻抠或者轻按的时候它就是一个电控的逻辑，只通过电信号打开车门；而只要更用力地往外抠，就会触发内部的机械连接结构把车门打开。

十二 |                    轻按微动开关打开（上）和重拉把手打开（下）                              既可以在日常使用享受电控开门的便捷，万一遇到事故，也能在解锁的前提下提高打开车门的概率。

十三 |                    另一种方案，是我们的故人极越、福特的电马还有小米 YU7上用到的 CPM 也就是电容备份方案。                   这玩意简单来说就是给每个门把手都配上一个单独的备用电源，可以在低压电挂掉以后短时间的给门把手供电（ 约 72 小时 ），提高门把手弹出和开门信号发出的概率。                   而结合了上面两种方案，也就是车外有 CPM 电容、内外门把手都有机械拉索备份的设计，就算是目前已经量产的、能让隐藏式门把手变得相对可靠的最优解了。

十四 |                    可惜的是，受限于成本和验证的难度，上头这些方案终究没有铺开，人们对于隐藏式门把手的态度最终也没有太改变。                   机械式门把手内部构造                    那些在被动安全上缺少保证的隐藏式门把手们，最终也迎来了被国标 ban 掉的命运。                   不知道你有没有想过，为啥人们一提到隐藏式门把手明明都是吐槽，车企们却还是执意要用呢？                    非常逆天的是，即便是车企们自己，其实也不知道为什么要做。                   我们此前对话过很多来自不同主机厂的内外饰和 CMF 设计师，他们使用隐藏式门把手的唯一理由，就是当大伙都在用的时候，如果自己没有就会显得非常过时。

十五 |                    就算用户调研的结果不支持，上头的领导们也会大手一挥，以设计趋势为由把隐藏式门把手用上。                   而这样一个连车企都没法说服自己为啥要用的设计，又怎么能认真做好底层的安全保障，让用户们都欣然买单呢？                    在这个关键节点上推出来的门把手新国标，除了能补全相关的规则空白，让门把手的安全设计更规范以外，我觉得更重要的，其实就是对不太健康的设计趋势进行了必要的纠偏。

十六 |                    相比于新设计的消失或是设计风格的倒退，我觉得隐藏式门把手从风靡到被纠偏的过程，反倒是一种设计思维的进步。                   它代表着即使因为材料和技术的迭代，工业设计拥有了更自由和多样的表现方式，可在形式之上，用户们真正的需求和安全的底线，永远都是最为重要的。                   我也真的希望这件事之后车企和技术供应商们能明白，大伙都在用、都想用的，并不代表就是正确的。                   想要做出真正的好设计，多听听用户的声音、多用用自己的产品，也远比盲目跟风有用得多。                   图片、资料来源：          集体诉讼称特斯拉 Model S 机械门把手存在缺陷          车门碰撞解锁，无需“遥遥领先”          平齐车门把手 | Huf Group          Power Flush Handles magna.com          隐藏式门把手成“维修刺客”！车主哭诉“修一次半月工资没了”          Why Do We Have Cars With Manual Releases Instead of Traditional Door Handles?                    本文来自微信公众号：差评X.PIN，作者：致命空枪，编辑：脖子右拧 & 面线。

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